I’ve started listening to podcasts while driving down scenic roads through rural areas. It’s soothing for inexplicable, existential anxiety, and serves as a ritual to replenish my connection to the country, and as a reminder that the strange twisted world between the front and back pages of the Atlantic, is not indicative of reality. I usually listen to historical and military podcasts, but recently I started one about Timothy McVeigh since my interest in 1990s domestic terrorism had been piqued after watching the new Waco show, which I highly recommend.
It was an immersive experience. I could see the world he grew up in, seem to love, and eventually went to war for, passing outside my car as I listened. McVeigh himself became a drifter after Desert Storm, and he always picked rural towns to briefly lay down stakes. His first stop after getting off the plane home from Iraq was a mom and pop dinner he’d frequented before leaving. The owner, a pretty, middle-aged plainswoman with her bleached hair pulled up into a messy bun, said there was still sand in the cracks of his boots as McVeigh told her that memories of the dinner’s comfort food had carried him through rough nights, eating MREs in the Iraqi desert.
When I started to think about McVeigh in this light, I began to realize how alien and terrifying he must have been to cosmopolitan bureaucrats and journalists, and the “hate and militia experts” from places like the SPLC. His face seems to be cut from Kansas-quarried granite, he knew about guns, he was connected to the land. Even his weapon was crafted from agricultural implements, conjured from the soil of his long-neglected flyover world.
McVeigh’s motives were very plain and straightforward, and with the benefit of his own unfiltered words and hindsight it can be explained by two events, Ruby Ridge, and Waco. Why then, in the aftermath and years following the Bombing, was the press portraying McVeigh’s motives as Gore Vidal put it, “Shakespearean Malevolence”? Why was America getting its first dose of the anesthetic “Thoughts and Prayers” media coverage, now so familiar to us, instead of objective analysis?
Vidal, a strange name to appear in defense of a right wing domestic terrorist, was partly correct in his assessment that the government needed to tamp down on the possibility of McVeigh’s grievances seeming legitimate in order to protect an already beleaguered DOJ (the rest of the essay descends into strange ramblings on Opus Dei conspiracy). The fact he missed was that people like McVeigh pumped the elite’s gas, grew their food, and most importantly fought their wars. Unlike today, the great replacement was just picking up real steam, and wasn’t all together assured, nor openly discussed outside of the DC cocktail circuit and academia. Democrats still needed working class whites, and after OK City, they had to be meticulously managed. Angry rural whites needed nonstop coverage of dead children to remind them where the slippery slope of their rage and isolation might lead.
Early to mid 1990s politics and society were deeply divided in a way that popular culture and the media did not reflect. Mainstream Conservatism’s corpse had been converted into a heel for liberals that accepted far-left orthodoxies on race and culture as their own gospel. Any conservative with a realistic world view was being further alienated from the rest of the country and the world, giving rise to groups like the weirdo-ridden militia movement. Clinton was the first president to fully utilize social benefits and amnesty as a means of circumventing middle America. Actions like Ruby Ridge and Waco were just brutal manifestations of the elite’s fear and growing disregard for rural whites. Any deep thought on these matters were so taboo that Vidal himself had his feed cut on live TV for simply uttering the word “why” during an interview about his invitation to McVeigh’s approaching execution by the bomber himself.
Police militarization and the destruction of the 2nd Ammendment, have their origins in this era and were in part motivated by the elite’s anxieties about people like Timothy McVeigh. The OK City Bombing even cranked the unified academic theory of diversity into high gear as a means to control white rage. We had to be cowed before we could be disarmed and replaced, which is why whites took such heavy abuse before responding in 2016.
So now, with the pretense of reconciliation ending, the left’s anxieties over angry armed rednecks peaking, and a highly militarized anti-white DOJ, it seems wise to contemplate Waco, Ruby Ridge, and Oklahoma City. More and more whites are taking the Benedict Option, a decision to withdraw from a society which refuses them their God and their dignity. They’ve been literally backed into a corner. How long before one of them falls into some egregious form of federal entrapment, and their homestead shows up on national TV, flanked by APCs, news vans, and chyrons reading, “Compound”? What will happen in America when the fault lines, so dutifully ignored in the 90s, rumbling in 2016, release their first violent tremors?
The Left-wing establishment has successfully outsourced the repression of political opposition to their constituents and the press.
As humans I think we are equipped with the remarkable ability to trick ourselves into believing a situation isn’t as bad as it truly is. Perhaps this is an evolutionary trait that allowed us to plan and sort out options in a crisis without becoming overwhelmed and shutting down. In modern society however, this characteristic is working against us.
There’s no doubt that if the US government instituted European-style hatespeech laws overnight, there’d be a raucous, if not violent, backlash. Thanks to what’s been coined as “lateral censorship”, however, the stripping back of the First Amendment in America has been much more subtle and insidious than European state-censorship. The term refers to the inflicting of social, career, and even physical consequences for unpopular speech, usually enforced by private institutions, peers, and most effectively, the press. Now, we are faced with as repressive an environment as Europe, possibly even worse off for the plausible deniability lateral censorship affords American liberals.
Ideally the threat of these consequences leads to self-censorship on issues of race, immigration, and Jewish nepotism, but as the fallout from multiculturalism, mass-immigration, and media silence on these issues increases, so does White desperation. As this desperation grows, more and more of us are willing to speak out both anonymously and openly.
Speaking out creates a sense of relief from the oppressive, seemingly daily defeats, where even our few victories face constant interference. Without this outlet, without the ability to blow off steam, it’s hard to say what the future will hold for political discourse in America. Apparently devolving back into neocons wouldn’t be enough anymore, as they are now getting the bullet too.
Leaving an armed population with fast-fading job prospects, it’s kids dying on Mexican dope, and European cousins dying by the thousands, with no ability to air grievances is a dangerous proposition.
In this instance CNN has made the excuse that finding the identity of HanAssHoleSolo falls within the scope of legitimate journalism. I’ve yet to see their equivocations regarding the threat to reveal it if he ever retracts his apology. The frustrating irony of this can be seen in the recent protestations of journalists against the barrage of “threats” they receive from an indignant public, the main difference being that CNN has the ability to make good on their’s. What CNN seems to be saying to the public here is, Might, or in their case, Wealth and good lawyers, Make Right.
If CNN is able to get away with this offence with no repercussions from the rest of the press, society-at-large, or the legal system, it will be a clear indication that lateral censorship is at least as effective as traditional censorship. Thus, every conservative should behave as if living in a totalitarian Marxist state, lest the intended surreptitious aspect of lateral censorship succeed.
There’s a lot to be lost if one were outed as a “racist”, or even as a Trump supporter in some circles, but everyone has a breaking point where the risk becomes worth it. I think we’re well past that breaking point, despite a massive, clandestine effort to present a false picture of American freedom to it’s White subjects. In my opinion the next mile-marker is where people will be ready to lay down their lives, and CNN just put their foot on the gas.
The fringe left and right are now duking it out publicly. Anyone with even a slight political bent will notice their facebook feeds filling up with videos and pictures of antifa packs colliding with mostly alt-light, ancap libtardarian types. It’s tempting to divine this explosion of violence and exposure as a reincarnation of the street fights between the National Socialists and Communists of Weimar Germany, but Unlike the National Socialists or Communists of the Weimar, our modern street warriors do not represent any concrete ideology or organization.
The reactionary street-soldiers of today are driven by an indistinct repulsion to the world vision the antifa punks and their sponsors represent. They are like an antibody of the nation, they represent the death rattle of sanity, a last cry from tradition, identity, and reason.
Wave after wave of humiliation has crashed upon our heads. They twist science into PC superstition and stare us in the face while doing so, as if to remind us they are powerful enough to turn the truth on its head in plain sight. Invading our homes and family through media and education was a blow we took quietly, but when the antifa shocktroops descended on those brave enough to speak out, it obviously became too much for some.
I respect everyone who has stood up to antifa. I’ve seen legitimate criticisms of Based Stick Man and the like, but nonetheless it is empowering and physically relieving to see tangible resistance, even if it amounts to little more than hospital bills and short-lived viral photos. These scuffles may seem trivial now, but they will be looked over someday when future generations try to discern what this global populist/nationalist struggle meant in the course of the evolution of civilization.
For now I think it is good for morale. Its good to see such passionate resistance to the existential threat of neoliberals and their far-left puppets, it makes the fight less despairing.
There are thousands of discussions, essays, articles, songs, and movies about the trials of “growing up _____”, but one that I have yet to see explored is the trial of growing up white in majority black neighborhoods, and black-run institutions. This is a unique position to be in as plenty of societies are split into two racial groups with one dominant and the other subservient, but very few societies (outside of South Africa) have switched roles in the recent past without destroying or expelling the defeated.
I personally lived in this world for a long time, throughout almost my entire adolescence and well into my twenties. At first it was a requirement of living in a very bad school district, and later economic restriction coupled with drug addiction. Obviously all personal experience is anecdotal, but so are anthropological studies, and viewing this experience as such is one way I’ve chosen to salvage this otherwise wasted period of my life. Also, I am not seeking to prove any greater statistical or sociological trend with my experience, but rather I seek to record and share a traumatic story I’ve yet to see catalogued elsewhere, so that others who have experienced it, and wrestled with the difficult racial lessons it teaches, may find internal peace, a strong white identity, and a path to worthwhile resistance, unlike those taken by a few whites lost in the madness (more on that below).
I started to the high school that would initiate my racial awakening sometime in my sophomore year, after moving from a much better school district to a district within the standard metropolitan public school system. The city school district where I live is a nightmare for anyone not lucky enough to get into one of the magnet schools, the rest are essentially outpatient prisons where black students are kept long enough to keep the crime rate down during the day. Despite their half-hearted efforts, up to one third of the school was truant at any given time, and I was no exception hoping to escape the brutal surroundings and retreat to the white suburbs with my friends and old classmates. When I did have to put in my mandatory days I was one out of ten or so white students in a school of thousands.
I was shoved into the walls daily simply for trying to walk to class, if I was ever in the stairwell where teachers and security were absent I was ganged up on and often threatened with being thrown down the diagonal concrete gauntlet, I survived my first jumping having my face bloodied by fresh leather Timberland boots. Every moment became a panic stricken trial of getting from one place to the other without being seen, and eventually retreating to hidden refuges with the other white kids, or leaving campus together. I secretly studied boxing and went to the gym in an effort to defend myself, but they never attacked anyone alone, it was always in greater numbers, and no semblance of sportsmanship existed among them.
To make matters worse my father, who was a Jewish liberal, along with my then-absent mother, had worked tirelessly my whole life to ensure I absorbed their values and regarded race as an abstract that “didn’t really exist anyway” and my pleas to change the situation fell on deaf ears. The implanted wheels in my brain spun to weave explanations such as the ones picking on me were just assholes, or I somehow deserved it, but reality tore those to shreds as I knew every white kid at school (except the women, they’d been successfully ghettoized and taken as trophies who equally hated white males) was receiving the same punishment, even the ones who dressed and acted black. And the former made no sense either as there were no bullies in the traditional sense as seen on TV. Violence emerged from throngs in the hallways or small gatherings in corners like lightning strikes with no discernable origin or meaning, and receded with the same abruptness, soon fading into laughter and eerily calm behavior.
So what could it be? I asked myself tirelessly. A less brainwashed racial specimen would spend their days formulating a solution, or revenge, but a racially-guilt wracked half-jew son of a communist wondered about what he could have done better, I pondered if I deserved it for all of the past suffering of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. It didn’t take more than a few months for that decade’s worth of propaganda to fade, it’s amazing what a few kicks to the face can do to jog your genetic memory.
Eventually pure hatred filled my gut, I wasn’t reading statistics about black crime, or Mein Kampf, or buying Doc Martins, I was dreaming up scenarios of revenge, I was seeing their twisted sneers as the faces of primates, I was watching their behavior with revulsion, and hearing their laughter like the calls of beasts. I was filled with pure genetic dread and loathing. I was somewhere I was not meant to be because some hippies in the sixties thought they could override nature, that was the extent of my intellectual opinion on the matter, the rest was in my bones and in my burning adolescent blood every time I had to go to school. I kept these rough racial realizations hidden from the world of my past, my friends, my parents, but the other white kids at school all shared it in glances, looks of disgust at loud outbursts, and the occasional “niggers” spoken breathlessly between grit teeth, crowded around our table at lunch. It’s a miracle I made it out without something horrible happening before I finally dropped out after my Junior year.
For the latter years of my adolescence I tried to put those feelings behind me and return to the comfort of suburban rebellion with my friends, but certain wounds remained unclosed as I spent time in juvenile lock-up and black-run detention/rehab centers. I watched black authority figures give egregiously unfair treatment to their racial kin amongst my ranks. They turned blind eyes to my beatings, and seemed to take joy in the suffering of whites in their care. Every time I returned to my upper-middle class friends, I found them increasingly liberalized, to the point of being radical socialists and anarchists despite their affluent roots. They would go on tirades against the racist white world while I sat in knowing silence.
I did my best to smooth over the jagged edges left from my personal racial struggle in order to still fit in, and for the most part I was able to, with a few notable exceptions. I abhorred rap, and secretly hated myself when listening to it with them, and still more I hated their adoption of black dialects and behavior. This internal struggle lasted well into my twenties until several intensely violent conflicts while I was in active addiction, living in majority black neighborhoods, finally shook my subconscious racial awareness into my waking mind and recalled and amplified the only thing I had learned in high school: Race is Real, and it Matters.
I eventually got clean, and took the most important step toward white racial consciousness, I got away from majority, or even large minority, black areas. The next step was getting closer with a real life person who had long embraced white identity. For the first time in my life, I was able openly discuss my racial experiences, and better still, I was assured they were shared and real by a person I greatly respected. We exchanged information we dug up, freely developing new and exciting ideas about politics, the future, and our personal racial well-being. Having a real, living human, a friend or loved one to openly discuss these truths with does more than a million blogs, books, or websites could ever do.
Next, over the course of several years I found the voices of the “far-right” (before the Alt-Right had a name) that spoke to me and accrued a list of my own personal favorites as a library of information and inspiration. Just as important was building a collection of both overt and inherently white art, such as music, film, and literature from which I drew great pride in my heritage. From these voices, both past and present, I was given a much more coherent map of a possible future, and a definite course of action. I learned when to expend my energy, and when to save it. I was also given the courage to speak out, if only in fragments at first. I am also extremely lucky to be alive and learning just as the movement is growing, and though it may be too soon to tell, moving out into the open.
People like Dylann Roof lived in this world I grew up in, in a dark place cut off from all support and truth. He saw hard evidence of a collapsing multicultural society in front of him, and if his story was anything like mine, he became collateral damage of the fallout, suffering real physical and psychological harm. He found pieces of truth buried in the internet while everyone else around him ignored or actively suppressed it, but there was no one around to help him put these pieces together into a cohesive map of ideas, identity, and most importantly a path to action. Instead he reacted like so many others exposed to a truth the rest of the world denies, he lashed out hoping to tear open the fabric of the great lie and find some potent truth on the other side. He mistakenly sought an outright racial war, in the hopes of laying bare the hidden conflict he had uncovered, rallying the imaginary allies from the shadows he so desperately longed for. Regardless of his intentions, he found only indignation from the masses, (rightful) distancing from the allies he’d hoped for, and life in a majority black prison where he has already endured many beatings.
Without guidance Roof leaped to a conclusion NO white identitarian supports, but there are so few voices out there for the white youth due to suppression and censorship by the left, that Roof was left with only disconnected fragments to build his own twisted course of action. He was a product of the great lie and its army of censures, not the few truths he managed to unearth. So I offer up my experience in the hopes that other young whites caught up in this world Roof and I shared might find a friendly, understanding voice, and realize that white identity is about the opposite world of our enemies. It is a world of enlightenment, logic, beauty, and strength applied in the right directions, at the right moments, and hopefully, someday it can ultimately be about peace.
For a joyful moment I thought perhaps, after Trump’s victory, his supporters would be offered respite and vindication. Neither has happened, in the media or the rest of the country.
A few news outlets have offered up token sentiments along the lines of, “We got it wrong”. The New York Times even went so far as to admit their bias and the damage it caused to their reputation, though this is more likely the result their declining readership and profits than some moral revelation.
Around the bottom floors of their skyscraper office, throngs of protesters surged through the streets, burning effigies of the president elect alongside American flags. The irony that Trump and Giuliani’s hard work in the eighties made those streets safe enough for white hipsters to protest in, was certainly lost in the clamor.
It won’t be much different if Trump improves their quality of life. The left will blame him every time a black man is shot, and reblog every self-inflicted hate crime scrawled on dorm room doors by attention seeking transsexuals. The entirety of the left, especially millennials, would prefer serfdom under a plutocrat, as long as she is still nice to Muslims every time they blow something up.
I don’t think we expected unity or healing. If anyone knows our nation is long past that point, it’s White Nationalists, but I expected a concession of sorts. An acknowledgement that the left had tipped its hand, and left the silent-majority out in the cold in favor of their new demographic pets.
The left codified concepts like white-privilege into the political, corporate, and media establishment, hastening the decline of white power in order to clear a path for non-whites. All they asked for in return were votes.
Well it seems blacks and Hispanics did not hold up their end of the bargain well enough to squelch the white reaction, and now it’s quite clear that there was no plan B. Their rage-induced convulsions are proof-positive that liberals have zero desire to reorient their coalition to once again include working class whites.
They didn’t want us co-opted, they didn’t want us maligned, they didn’t even want us scared. They wanted us gone, and with Hillary in office they could have opened the floodgates and ensured our votes never amounted to anything more than a death rattle.
That’s not what happened, though, is it? Now Trump can stop the left’s plan dead in its tracks, and even reverse their half-century of demographic engineering. They’ve literally lost everything, and are going to throw tantrums big enough to break a lot of things, such as the media, Hollywood, and academia. If these institutions continue on as they have since the small hours of November 9th, their credibility will never recover in the eyes of normal whites.
Hopefully this means we get to rebuild them.
Most conservatives, and a few apprehensive liberals, are cognizant of the fact that America’s news media skews left of center, save the neocon flagship, Fox News, and a smattering of rogue websites. Nonetheless, targeted messages on issues such as gun control or amnesty were usually limited to one or two networks at a time, mostly in short bursts of coverage cloaked among otherwise legitimate journalism. During election years plenty of outlets and journalists have had their favored candidates, but moral absolutes were most often reserved for the pundits and opinion columns. This year however, as outsider populists from either party’s “fringe” made significant gains during the primaries, it became clear that coverage of the 2016 election cycle was rapidly diverging from journalism, into public relations.
An efficacious force behind the scenes was brazenly mobilizing the media in support of establishment candidates on either side during the primaries, and later Hillary in the general. It was easy enough to put a face on this force through common sense and a quick look at the establishment candidates’ major contributors. The elite, both domestic and international, had chosen their defenders of the status quo, Hillary Clinton for the Democrats, and practically anyone not named Trump for the GOP. As Sanders was dispatched by his own party’s national committee in the primaries and Trump defied all logic by trouncing his way to the GOP nomination, the board was set for this struggle to continue into the general, with the vast majority of the influence cartel, even former GOP supporters, aligning behind Clinton.
Still, a millionaire’s reasons for wanting to smash Donald J. Trump, such as protecting globalism, were not exactly relatable to the average voter. Thus, his opponents, from Washington to Brussels, raised the absurd concern that his populism was a crude form of fascism, hoping their dog-whistle would perk up the ears of a population raised on anti-racist rhetoric since grade school. As part of the wealthy intelligentsia who regarded racism as gauche, journalists were game to spread this message to the masses (celebrities followed suit soon after), and the fears of globalists were disguised as an urgent terror the low information voter could understand.
The sheer level of consistency across news outlets, and the quick spread of their message to the minds and timelines of voters, begs the question, how was it all pulled together? The Wikileaks releases thus far scratch the surface of presumable media collusion. It’s now known that members of the Clinton campaign referred to a certain journalist working for the venerable AP as a “friendly”. Other journalists from such disparate outlets as the New York Times, to Louise Mensch at Heat Street, sent fawning messages regarding Hillary’s staff, while some went so far as to run their articles past them, taking suggestions for edits, teeing up interviews, and asking permission to use quotes. Perhaps the most damning, and certainly the most relevant, email of all was the one containing a proposed guest list for Joe Podesta’s private “Off the Record Dinner”, which included a who’s who of the 4th Estate, from NPR to Buzzfeed. It’s hard to imagine what purpose this dinner served outside of collusion between the Clinton Campaign and the press. At the very least, it may have given high-level campaign operatives a chance to test the ethical flexibility of the journalists who attended.
While poring over the names of the most vehemently anti-Trump journalists, it is difficult to overlook the recurrence of Jewish surnames. In terms of reactions to Trump, theirs has been the most rabidly negative, in all spheres of consequence. A neurosis regarding nationalism, or “authoritarianism” as they diagnosis it, has been a hallmark of the Jewish collective subconscious since Rome conquered Judea. In more recent history, one need only look back to the witch hunt carried out by Jewish Journalists against Charles Lindbergh when he dared to oppose America’s impending involvement in the 2nd World War. Much as it did then, this idiosyncratic Jewish neurosis has spilled over into the mainstream on a surreal scale. Article after article has been dedicated to comparing Trump to Hitler, while also paradoxically comparing the invading Muslim hordes he wishes to stop, to their Jewish ancestors in Nazi Germany. The fact that the Jew’s neurotic attitude toward nationalism has been so successfully grafted onto the minds of White Americans is probably the most troubling revelation of the 2016 election thus far.
Trump himself said it best when he elucidated, “the mainstream media has poisoned the minds of the people”. Their psychological venom has had a deep and lasting effect on the mental stability of Trump’s opposition, while simultaneously demoralizing his supporters. For decades the Democratic machine had played the racial animus of minorities against the larger white society, but by painting Trump as an existential threat, they’ve added accelerant to an already roaring fire, thus inducing nearly half the country into a collective insanity. Not only have Trump’s rallies been besieged by crowds of aggressive Mexicans and their gallant, liberal white handlers, a GOP headquarters has now been firebombed, and others vandalized. By calling the legitimate concerns of nativist voters “evil” or “dangerous”, the elites and their allegiant media have eroded the already crumbling foundations of democracy, namely the dignity of all voters. Once white liberals were convinced of their opponents’ inhumanity, they were willing to let their black and Hispanic pets off the leash.
The need to defeat Trump at all costs was nowhere taken more seriously than among the rank and file of the Democratic apparatus, including its shadowy network of contractors and consultants. Surely it is easy enough for the elites to wade through such unethical swamps with little to no justification, but for the foot soldiers to cross their personal moral boundaries they likely required rationalizations due to their pesky remnants of a conscience. Undoubtedly, the media’s relentless narrative of Trump’s role as a semi-fascist demagogue helped gently carry them over those personal barriers and permitted these Democratic operatives to concoct and execute plans for massive fraud, and worse still, orchestrate large-scale outbreaks of violence at Trump rallies.
As the corruption of leftist insiders was laid bare in the blazing light of video evidence by Project Veritas, Hillary’s supporters’ new fear-based loyalty was put to the ultimate test. Would they, when faced with evidence directly proving a subversion of democracy, still support such an anti-democratic apostle of the globalist synagogue ? The answer was a resounding “yes”. While Trump faced spiraling numbers for his “locker room talk”, the revelations of Project Veritas had virtually no impact on Hillary’s support. Her surrogates on the campaign trail, her “friendlies” in the media, voters on social media, and even the candidate herself all refused to even acknowledge the evidence. The campaign of agitation against Trump had succeeded so thoroughly that not even the most heinous transgressions against democracy in American history could obstruct Hillary’s ascent to power.
Those few who would deign to acknowledge the videos’ existence, labelled its acquisition illegal (sound familiar?), as the footage was gathered via O’Keefe’s exceptional investigative journalism, which included trespassing, impersonation, and other such tactics. Others simply claimed the video was selectively edited, as Democrats had with O’Keefe’s previous investigations, despite the fact that each subject of his investigation was rather explicit in their admissions (especially Scott Foval); several of them were also summarily terminated within a day of the videos’ release further proving its authenticity. Thanks again to the media’s overpowering depiction of Trump as a dybbuk, millions of voters were just as willing to abandon their morals as the conspirators themselves had been.
In a cruel twist of irony President Barrack Obama has stated multiple times that Donald J. Trump deals exclusively in fear, and prattles on at length about the disastrous results of his demagoguery if Trump were to take his place. Unfortunately the damage wrought by Obama and his ilk is not hypothetical, and the consequences of their rhetoric may persist well past election-day, no matter who wins. If Hillary wins with a reasonably wide margin (despite defrauding the electorate in the primary), this shameless manipulation will expedite white acceptance of the looming uniparty, already made possible by the left’s demographic rigging. If she wins through fraud, a disenfranchised electorate will have no choice but to challenge the entire democratic system, possibly bringing it to a savage halt. In either case a freshly empowered left will be free to persecute conservative whites whom they will no doubt view as racist insurrectionists, and as the Veritas Videos have shown, the liberal establishment is already willing to use violence as a political tool. The best we can hope for is a Trump win with a country split in twain. At least in this scenario, the man at the helm will place law and order above chaos and revenge. He will have the support of police and in turn protect them from race-hustlers, empowering them to properly protect law-abiding citizens once more. Most importantly, he will be on our side.
Hillary’s personal fixations on the global landscape have become part and parcel of her policies, such as good ol’ Russia, or the Alt-Right, a fringe internet movement, and now Julian Assange for crossing her. While Donald Trump may devote a sizable portion of his speaking time to personal battles, he has not threatened war over them, or implied his critics were part of a geopolitical conspiracy w/ foreign governments. Just recently, Hillary threatened to use “military resources” against the Russians if they happen to be blamed for a cyber-attack against the US, citing the DNC hack as an example of Ruskie villainy .
Despite Clinton’s sabre rattling, Trump is still the candidate the media portrays as unhinged. Hours of airtime on the 24 hour networks are spent dissecting Donald Trump’s tweets, speeches, and even body language, all to prove how dangerous he would be in possession of the fabled “button”. Meanwhile, Clinton’s foreign policy reads like a Tom Clancy novel; hackers working for the Russian government are attempting to rig an election, while seeding a revolutionary nationalist movement on social media. As war-weary as Americans are, having lost so many loved ones, you think we would have developed a better immunity to this shit, but Clinton has ingratiated herself to the public through demographic pandering, co-opting a lite version Bernie’s radical economic reforms, and the sheer force of her political connections and power.
I’m about 30 years old and I have never seen a political candidate with so much open contempt for the public, with such a brazen hunger for power, be so successful. Her total insulation from a press with kid’s gloves stitched to their wrists, while hacking up her lungs or making outrageous gaffes, is enough to explain the abysmally low trust Americans have in the media. Even if someone is voting for Hillary, I assume most would be aware that the media has mobilized behind her in total, even satirists and late-night hosts. Most liberal Americans, at least the ones honest enough to admit media bias, would leverage Trump’s racism or nationalist tendencies in defense of a Clinton-friendly media, stating perhaps, that he is a threat to the liberal values journalism itself is founded upon. This is at least the argument I heard on NPR when a panel of journalists from such ideologically disparate publications as Huffington Post, Buzzfeed, and the New York Times, dissected and justified their critical views on DJT, fancying themselves as modern day Murrows.
What about Clinton’s political network of intimidation, bribery, international subterfuge, regime change, etc. etc.? Her criminal career is so prolific as to make leaps and bounds beyond the hopes and dreams of a prison full of RICO statute violators. It stretches across oceans and continents, leaving civil wars, assassinations, and mass migrations in its wake. A few brave souls sift through the wreckage of her crimes, only to watch her outmaneuver every new revelation before subsequently destroying their lives, and possibly ending them.
Colin Powell’s recently leaked emails tell of her hubris and crass, self-serving world view. Still, this evidence, like the rest, will amount to no harm for her campaign. Trump will still be viewed as the more dangerous candidate because he dared to propose that a judge’s national origin may affect his views on immigration, or because he said mean things to women. For middle class, college educated whites mostly voting for Clinton, a potentially racist or sexist president might truly be worse than another war. At the very least, they are willing to take that gamble. Many of them even idolize Clinton. Plenty of popular television shows have had her on in a positive, usually feminist, light. While famous millennial yentas trot her out, attempting to render her into a more human form, they look on with ga-ga eyes at the pantsuit marvel who can wreak havoc upon the proles just like a man can. For these reasons, coupled with her demographic support, no matter how hawkish Clinton may turn, during her candidacy or presidency, and no matter how dovish Trump may be in comparison, she will enjoy broad support from traditionally anti-war voters, who probably still view themselves as humanitarian exemplars.